Even prior to Nigeria’s 1914 amalgamation and scramble for Nigeria, Igbo represent merit, hard work and progress. These qualities in the present day Nigeria are deemed irrelevant, showing-off and obsolete. Who needs hard work and merit when Nigeria has quota system and cut off marks for ‘unity’ school? In the new Nigeria, meritocracy has become relative and mediocrity has been elevated to new normality. Mediocrity has become an acceptable currency in scio-political market of the country‘s imbroglio and dramatic theatre.
To be integrated and to be acceptable in the new Nigeria after civil war, few Igbo have become the victim to new Nigerian syndrome of quick wealth and arrogance. Notwithstanding, majority of Ndi-Igbo have not given up the old fashion spirit of hard work and merit.
For instance take a look at the federal mandated cut –off marks for getting admission into the so-called unity school and federal educational institutions: Most Igbo states including Anambra and Imo have the highest cut off marks at 139 and 138 respectively, for both male and female. Then take a look at the cut off marks for the following States – Yobe state – 2 , Taraba state – 3, Zamfara state – 2, Sokoto – 9, Kebbi state – 9, Osun state -127 and many others. Why is Igbo States ( Anambra and Imo) being discriminated for scoring high points ? Is Nigeria anti-intellectual and abhorring meritocracy?
It must be highlighted that nobody is born with DNA or gene for hard work with determination for success neither does Igbos have a monopoly on hard work and intelligence. These are acquired traits and there are other groups in Nigeria and Africa excelling in other areas of human endeavors. But if the truth must be told, Ndi-Igbo have exhibited and shown consistent propitious outlook on life both in good and in bad times.
At the end of the devastating Nigerian civil war, Igbo was humiliated with massive poverty and starvation. Igbo lost their place and position on Nigerian economic and political landscape. There was the 20 pounds episode and limited wealth in the hands of the defeated Igbo was quite miniscule to function in the country’s economic geographical scenery.
The Igbo were able to survive and even thrived after the polynational war which involved Nigeria, Britain, Egypt and Soviet Union against Ndi-Igbo during the Nigerian civil war. Ndi-Igbo despite losing millions of their population to the civil war never gave up on Nigeria despite the injustice and continuous marginalization.
It was a burden to be an Igbo at the end of civil war, as the open wound of the war has not yet completely healed. The Igbo sub-groups outside the Igbo mainland of the present day south east geo-political zones decided to shield themselves from the mal-ramification rained on their defeated kinsmen by denying their historical link and shared historical heritage with the mainland Igbo.
In the vanguard of the crypto-Igbo syndrome and denial of being Igbo was epitomized by Ikwere of River State dilemma , who were in most cases, more vocal and deliberately assiduous in their Igbo-ness denial. Population groups and sub-groups are entitled to self preservation and self determination. And it is not necessary to compel them otherwise, once they made up their mind to divorce or estrange themselves from the common historical heritage.
Therefore to hear the governor of River State, Chibuike Amamechi , an Ikwere indigene to openly and aggressively announced that he is an “bonafide Igbo” person can be laughable, if not satirical. The main issue is how come it takes a close presidential election in Nigeria for him to remember and acknowledged that he is an Igbo person. Majority of Igbo people are more interested in being a Nigerian than being a tribe. Therefore it is not necessary to appeal to Igbo voters with tribal sentiments, which is more or less a weak gravitational and centripetal force in Igbo political calculus.
Ndi-Igbo maybe, if not the most detribalize group in Nigeria and they resided in every nooks and crannies of Nigeria. Many Igbo people have a flare for languages and speak more than one Nigerian language. It is not really a big deal to see an Igbo that speak the 3 or 4 major languages of Nigeria – Ijaw, Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa. Therefore it is neither prudent nor logical to appeal to an average Igbo vote by use of common heritage or religion.
Politicians can appeal to Igbo voters by sincerely speaking about dark and brutish phenomenon of marginalization, ethnic violence and mediocrity; and by delegating the policy, strategy and process to ready the ugly situation in the political economy of Nigeria. Igbo desire a fair and judicious system where absence of tribalism and nepotism are guarantee. And whoever that will improve country’s economy, imbibe the cup of free enterprise and the protection of life and property can get majority of Igbo votes.
Emeka Chiakwelu, Principal Policy Strategist at AFRIPOL. His works have appeared in Wall Street Journal, Huffington Post, Forbes and many other important journals around the world. His writings have also been cited in many economic books, publications and many institutions of higher learning including tagteam Harvard Education. Africa Political & Economic Strategic Center (AFRIPOL) is foremost a public policy center whose fundamental objective is to broaden the parameters of public policy debates in Africa. To advocate, promote and encourage free enterprise, democracy, sustainable green environment, human rights, conflict resolutions, transparency and probity in Africa. info@afripol.org www.afripol.org