Hungary’s government party Fidesz and its policies have been a slow burn in regards to pleasing the European sphere. However, EU officials who have criticised the governance have not taken into consideration the difficult diplomatic path faced by Orban’s government, or the efforts being made to reconcile EU qualms.
Hungary’s president Viktor Orban has been in danger of turning EU backs against his government and country, with its unconventional economic strategies and slow development in gaining more EU-friendly land policies. However, despite criticisms to Orban’s efforts, he has begun to mark himself out from the extreme right wing turbulence which threatens the nation’s democracy and EU relations.
The issue of Hungary’s policies on the sale of land to foreigners has finally been resolved – later than the EU would have liked, it has to be said. The moratorium which has suspended foreigners from buying agricultural land in Hungary has been drawn out since it was due to end in 2011. The bill to liberalise the sale of land was at last voted in last week with a majority of 253 to 17, meaning that Hungary will open up its agricultural land market to European citizens in 2014.
On this issue as well as others, certain EU officials claimed to be as yet unconvinced by the delays in Hungary’s decisions. Even the land reform which has just been passed puts off the change until 2014 rather than making changes straight away.
In February, the European Parliament officially rebuked Hungary for what certain MEPs viewed as insufficient democratic policies. The Socialist, Liberal and Green groups and the European United Left/Nordic Green Left party, expressed “serious concern” about “the exercise of democracy, the rule of law, the respect and protection of human and social rights, the system of checks and balances, equality and non-discrimination.”
Notwithstanding, Hungary’s Fidesz party should be viewed in its context before rushing to conclusions. (It is worth mentioning that the resolution sent in February was soon after criticised as “irresponsible” for prematurely attacking Hungary while negotiations with the nation were still on-going.)
Orban’s office has had the difficult task of dealing with opposing pressures from inside and out. Externally, MEPs in Brussels are baffled as to why democracy isn’t moving faster in the country. Yet meanwhile, the government is internally rocked by a loose cannon in the form of the extreme right party Movement for a Better Hungary (or Jobbik).
Jobbik, which has close associations with the paramilitary organisation the Hungairan Guard Movement, represents the “fascist-like undercurrent” in the country according to Socialist leader Attila Mesterhazy.
Mesterhazy has warned that Jobbik’s influence threatens Hungary’s democratic direction:
“Hungary is being dragged along by a fascist-like undercurrent,” the Socialist leader stated. “Jobbik’s ideology is not espoused by the average Hungarian, but talk like this is poisoning society. The fact that anti-Semitic and anti-Roma speech can be heard in parliament… makes it acceptable to the public.”
The passing of the land reform in Budapest marked yet another example of the diplomatic difficulties faced by Fidesz in finding a path towards European standards without isolating a public which is increasingly receptive to extremist views. Jobbik politicians disrupted proceedings while the bill was passed, protesting and occupying the speaker’s podium during the governmental actions.
In view of such a volatile backdrop, Orban’s Fidesz should be given more credit than it has been for its successful implementation of democratic progress in Hungary. Faced with a destabilising volley of pressures from either side, the government is nevertheless working its steady path in the direction the EU wants to see.