Why do we love to hate Mr. Zardari? Mian Nawaz Sharif says that he is dismayed and disappointed. The PML-N feels cheated over the fact that despite an agreement between the two parties, Mr. Zardari let them down. For his part, Asif Zardari says that the conditions in which the agreement was signed changed soon after, because of which he was unable to follow through. He says he is sorry. Possibly what upset most was that till the very end, the PPP leadership kept insisting that the deal would be honoured. Possibly Gen. Musharraf is starting to have his last laugh.
One can only wonder what deal was struck under which President Musharraf resigned. What was promised to him? The talk of immunity gives many some clues of which rabbit will now be pulled out of the hat. The more we try and move towards better governance, the more complicated it gets.
Coming back to Mr Zardari, one wonders what it is about him that makes many so upset. Let us put things in perspective. People were less upset when President Musharraf left. More people are upset with the possible swearing in of Mr. Asif Zardari as our new president. But this disenchantment may not be as widespread as it is made out to be. Many in Pakistan could not care less who is President. They want to know when their economic conditions will improve.
And yet, fresh in our minds are stories about Mr. Ten Percent and Mr. One-Hundred Percent. If that was not enough, our memories were jogged once again by the foreign media with a story on the mental state of Mr. Zardari. The foreign media, led by such leading lights as the BBC and the Financial Times, is not convinced of the intentions of Mr. Zardari.
But, unlike the Hard Talk interview in which the interviewer was able to embarrass then-foreign minister Sartaj Aziz into conceding certain points in our war in Kargil, Zardari came out confident and unapologetic in a recent BBC interview. We all drew different conclusions. Some say that the Western media does not come across Pakistanis as unapologetic and confident as Mr. Zardari.
They are too used to the grovelling ways of leaders in the past.
Pakistan is a somewhat strange country, one may concede. We are happy to give an unelected military general nine years in power but balk at allowing the same to be given to someone who is not rigging the elections. Only because we think one is a “decent man” and the other, in our eyes, is not. An officer who violates his own pledge to protect the Constitution is acceptable to us because of circumstances but a politician who breaks an agreement with a fellow politician cannot be trusted.
At pains of being labelled an apologist of Mr Zardari, one wonders why all men are not treated by the same standards. Did corruption end when Mr Zardari was put away in jail? If it did not, why do we not talk about those as well? How many other politicians, bureaucrats and men in khaki do we mention in the same breath? Where are they now?
We are told that all is downhill from here on. Pakistan is doomed, one is reminded day in and day out. Look at the foreign exchange reserves, inflation, the frequent power cuts, the rise in crime and the way the rupee and the stock market are tumbling. One makes the mistake of putting Pakistan in the same boat as the government in power. This is a fundamental error. One may not like the people in power, but the love for Pakistan should always remain. Why does this not happen?
Overseas Pakistanis, whose crucial remittances keep our boat afloat, are usually well meaning, but bitter at the same time. The fundamental difference between Indians and Pakistanis abroad, and here one is generalising, is that when Indians meet socially they talk about how to make things better for those back home. Pakistanis, instead, criticise what is happening in Pakistan and pat each other on the back for being lucky or fortunate enough to get out of the mess. It sometimes seems they take pride in predicting the end of Pakistan, as if by this happening their decision of leaving the country would be vindicated.
A lot of what they say is not wrong. While we have exploded the atomic bomb, we have failed poorly when it comes to improving the standard of living of people in the country. This elitist mentality needs to go. As a nation, we can have a reasonably well-run national airline but our public transport system and train system are in a mess. Our teledensity rivals that seen in some developed countries, but the ratio of schools and doctors per person is possibly at par with many least-developed countries. Pakistan may soon become a hotspot with the whole country becoming wi-fi enabled. At the same time, in the age of the communications revolution, the voice of the people has been drowned out.
Power of any kind is an issue. There are many who ask when our other power crisis will be over and who is responsible for the mess we are in today. The callous manner in which the Karachi Electric Supply Co has been handled leaves many questions in our minds. For example, what change was made by the army administered management when it was put in charge of the utility, apart from overcharging unsuspecting customers?
The selloff also had its critics, but the manner in which KESC was managed by its new owners left a lot to be desired. Then the upright German CEO was summarily dismissed, and finally the ownership again changed hands in very unclear circumstances. None of this happened in the time of Mr Zardari. But it is unclear what the present government has in store in terms of fighting the power crisis in the country. There seems to be no action on this front. Instead, as we have seen in the past, near and dear ones are being bestowed with cushy jobs. Friends and family are being accommodated. The only difference is that the previous government had the mantra of “good governance.” This government has no such claims. It would be interesting to see who will be the next governor of the State Bank.
The bigger issue is whether Mr Zardari is up to the challenges before him. Possibly not. One of the reasons is that it is highly likely that there will be a power confrontation between the PPP and the PML-N. In this, the establishment is set to back the PML-N. With the exit of President Musharraf, all the old players are aligning with each other. Past friendships are being renewed. The Sharif brothers are more acceptable to our doubters at home and abroad.
But not to all. The Americans know fully well, however, that the PML-N will go soft on the religious elements. That is possibly why there is such a strong endorsement of the PPP and of Mr Zardari. Despite all the talk of his insanity, it is Mr Zardari whom the Americans favour more. To give credit to Gen Kayani, the military has focused more on the War on Terror. This has resulted in strategic gains. At the same time, the pressure to pull back is intense. The ceasefire in the tribal areas and Swat comes within days of a crucial meeting between the Americans and the top leadership of the Pakistan armed forces.
The real question, of course, remains not only about who will be president but what will become of the PPP. For all practical purposes, the party is now being run by a new management. Most of the people who are in charge are not elected representatives. Even in the government, it is the unelected representatives or the close aides and advisors who are calling the shots. Is it possible that with this government, the party will change forever? The old guard has already been sidelined. What are the priorities of the new people? Only time will tell.
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